In March 2019, six months after he was released from an Uttar Pradesh jail, Bhim Army founder Chandrashekhar Azad had announced that he would contest against Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Varanasi in the Lok Sabha elections that May. “Even a footsoldier can fell a wazir in chess,” he had said.
Most people thought it was bluster, or, at best, an attempt to divide the anti-BJP votes. Even though Azad, by then, had emerged as a fiery dalit leader who had spent over a year in jail after caste-related violence in Saharanpur, taking on Modi was clearly too tall a task. Even his own caste brethren criticised the decision, and Azad was forced to withdraw in favour of the opposition candidate in Varanasi.
Now, nearly a year after that retreat, Azad feels time is ripe for his entry into electoral politics. “We will set up a political party. The announcement may happen in March or April,” he told THE WEEK. “From panchayat to Parliament, we will contest all elections.”
The 34-year-old lawyer-turned-activist has more to showcase this time. He spent nearly three months in jail after protesting the demolition of a Guru Ravidas temple in Delhi last August. The Delhi Development Authority had demolished the temple following a Supreme Court order. And then, a week after Parliament passed the Citizenship (Amendment) Act on December 11, Azad made a dramatic appearance on the steps of Delhi’s Jama Masjid, electrifying the throng of protesters against the CAA. He carried a copy of the Constitution and a portrait of Dr B.R. Ambedkar, and his act endeared him all the more to dalits and Muslims. He seemed to have emerged as a key figure of the largely leaderless anti-CAA movement.
Basing his ideology on dalit rights and making caste the central theme of his politics, Azad is garnering attention across the country. While mainstream politicians have been guarded in their engagement with the protesters—predominantly Muslims—Azad has been vocal in his support to the movement and his criticism of the Modi government.
“Going to the Jama Masjid was a historic moment for me,” said Azad. “I had gone there to distribute love. We have not done this in the past, when we tried only to do politics, but never shared love with those who were in pain. It was the first time that slogans were raised in support of the Constitution, for communal harmony and for national unity at a place which has been used only for religious sermons.”
Azad said the CAA violated Articles 14 and 15 of the Constitution. “We are protecting the Constitution as no law has ever been made on the basis of religion. This is the first time it has been done. But we are not a theocratic state, but a democratic state,” he told THE WEEK, sitting at a supporter’s house in a tony Gurugram neighbourhood.
Hectic trips have taken a toll on his health as he suffers from polycythaemia, which means he has more red blood cells than what is good for him. Yet, he remains active. There is a constant stream of visitors, mostly youth. “To challenge the prime minister, we need to plan big and contest maximum number of seats,” he said.
Azad began his political career as an elder brother for oppressed dalit students in Saharanpur. With his inspiring name, handlebar moustache, sunglasses, blue muffler and Bullet motor bike, he looked heroic to them as he demanded weapons for dalits. It alarmed authorities, but “It is within rules,” said Azad. “It is for our safety. It is in the Constitution. When the government cannot prevent atrocities against the marginalised, people have a right to safety.”
Azad and a friend Vinay Ratan Singh set up the Bhim Army in July 2015, a few months after the Rajputs of the Gharkoli village in Uttar Pradesh objected to dalits putting up a board which said “The Great Chamar”, in a symbolic attempt to assert their identity. Azad and Vinay Ratan Singh had earlier, in 2009, launched Bhim Pathshalas where senior dalit students taught younger students, a model which was later replicated across Uttar Pradesh.
Azad’s father was a school principal. “He had seen discrimination at all levels. In school, he was asked to bring his own glass for drinking water,” said Azad. “My father always said that anyone can live for oneself, but not everyone can live for society. We grew close after he was diagnosed with cancer. He died in 2013.” His father was associated with BAMCEF (All India Backward and Minority Communities Employees Federation), an organisation floated by Kanshi Ram as the precursor to the Bahujan Samaj Party.
Azad’s ability to rally the youth behind him has won him admirers. “He is popular, but he still has not made his vision clear,” said Ashok Das, editor of the magazine Dalit Dastak. “His ability to serve the dalit cause is yet to be seen.”
Azad, however, is clear about his plans. “Kanshi Ram ji is my guru. He is the one who showed us the way to political power. I represent the Bahujan identity. Kanshi Ram rallied the Bahujan community which includes SCs, STs, OBCs and minorities who had been away from the mainstream for long.”
By trying to project himself as the heir to Kanshi Ram’s legacy, Azad is in direct competition with BSP leader Mayawati. She has repeatedly refused to meet him and has warned her supporters to be wary of him. “She has worked a lot. She was chief minister four times. But it is my preference whom I will follow. I follow Kanshi Ram,” said Azad.
BSP MP Ashok Siddharth said dalits accepted Mayawati as their leader. “They know that Mayawati had given up the chief minister’s post in 2003 as she did not want a pre-poll alliance with the BJP in the 2004 Lok Sabha polls. Dalit leaders sponsored by other parties only aim to divide the BSP vote-bank, but these somersaults do not work,” he said.
Dalit politics took a leap after Kanshi Ram realised that capturing power was much more important than merely organising protests. He instilled discipline among BSP workers and asked them to focus on winning elections. Following a similar script, Azad is pitching for dalit-Muslim unity. “Dalits have been harassed for centuries in this country. Muslims have been facing discrimination since independence because of their religion,” said Azad. “If a person is asked to prove his patriotism, that is humiliation.”
Azad has identified the BJP as his political enemy. “Their politics revolves around religion. They want to divide,” he said.
“Earlier, it was the Ram temple. Then it was Pakistan. They could have got Shaheen Bagh cleared had they wanted it. But they want to do politics over it. They do not want anyone to talk about economy, demonetisation or jobs. So they brought the CAA and the National Register of Citizens. That is why I say a thousand Shaheen Baghs should come up across the country.” He is critical of the manner in which the BJP and the RSS are trying to integrate dalits into the Hindu mainstream. “We do not want integration. We want equality,” he said.
Azad said his party would contest the upcoming Bihar assembly elections. But, before that, he wants the college/university units of his organisation, which have sprung up in Hyderabad, Delhi and Patna, to contest students polls.
Academic and author Badri Narayan said Azad was trying to emulate Kanshi Ram, but it was not going to be easy. “The kind of cultural vision Kanshi Ram had is very rare. Azad can benefit only if Mayawati’s influence weakens,” he said. “Azad’s influence is limited to western UP. He has to wait and work hard. His politics is centred on the youth. But elders and employees are influenced by the BSP. Azad has to make a dent there.”