WAYANAD
It was like a family reunion, only bigger. The entire forest village of Amarambalam, near Nilambur in Malappuram, seemed to have converged at Pookkottumpadam junction. The crowd had gathered an hour before Priyanka Gandhi Vadra’s scheduled meeting at 2.30pm. It was a school day, but children filled the streets―some clutching their parents’ hands, others dashing about, laughing and playing with friends.
Women occupied the plastic chairs in the front rows. As the meeting time neared, the crowd continued to swell, especially with more women arriving, prompting party workers to bring additional chairs. I stopped a young boy and asked him why he was there. “To see Priyanka Gandhi,”he replied.
“And, who is Priyanka Gandhi?”I quizzed, again.
“Rahul Gandhi’s sister,”he said, before darting back to his friends, who were busy running in circles.
In April, when Rahul Gandhi contested from Wayanad for the second time, there were restrictions on waving Congress and Indian Union Muslim League flags at campaign rallies. That was to avoid what had happened in 2019―political rivals had run a false propaganda using images of IUML flags to say that Pakistan flags were waved at Rahul’s rallies. Now with Priyanka contesting the bypolls―Rahul vacated the seat to retain Raebareli―no such restrictions applied. In Pookkottumpadam, the Congress and IUML flags, along with the blue flags of the Congress’s Kerala Students Union, fluttered in unison to the vibrant beats of a dholak.
When Priyanka arrived more than 40 minutes behind schedule, the crowd’s excitement surged. Security personnel stood in position, holding a thick rope to keep everyone back as she made her way to the makeshift stage on the back of a truck. “Ningalude snehathinu nanni [I thank you all for your love],” she said, starting her speech in Malayalam, before switching to English. Civil service trainer, anchor and former journalist Jyothi Vijayakumar translated the rest of her speech to Malayalam for the crowd. “You loved my brother because you know he fights for you. It was hard for him to leave you. I know that he is happy that I am standing here instead of him as the UDF candidate today,”said Priyanka to loud applause.
The Gandhi scion then turned to the mothers in the crowd. “I heard that some of you have been here since 1pm,” she said. “At the back of your mind, you must be wondering what your children are up to.... I’m a mother, too. This morning, I called my son to make sure he was eating properly, and I checked on my daughter to see if she was studying well. Every day, we mothers feel this responsibility. We watch over our children, protect them. They are the future.”
Priyanka then extended the mother analogy to Wayanad. “What do we ask from our children in return? Only that they love us. That’s how I feel about you,” she said. “You are my duty, my responsibility. I ask for nothing except your love and affection―nothing else matters more to me.”
Said senior Congress leader Ramesh Chennithala, when asked if the party was presenting Priyanka as a motherly figure: “It is in Priyanka ji’s nature to embrace everyone warmly, share in people’s emotions, and bring a gentle touch to her connections with them. This is exactly what we are seeing here in Wayanad as well.”
Vijayakumar, who has been translating Priyanka’s speeches since 2019, said: “I feel she was trying to genuinely communicate to the people in Wayanad the level and depth of responsibility she is realising and feeling for them.” Jyothi also recalled the last time Priyanka was in Wayanad―she was campaigning for Rahul then. “She held me close while I was translating and told me I made her smile,”said Vijayakumar. This time, as Vijayakumar was speaking to her 12-year-old son over the phone, Priyanka came over. “I told her I was on a call with my son,” said Vijayakumar. “She immediately spoke to him, saying, ‘Your mother translates well and you should be proud of her.’”
Chennithala said that Priyanka, with her human touch and ability to keep people close, is a replica of Indira Gandhi. Writer and academic Trina Nileena Banerjee, in her article ‘Political Iconography & the Female Political Leader: The Case of Indira Gandhi, Some Initial Questions’, observed that Indira was effective in flaunting her “symbolic maternal concern for the people of the nation”. Banerjee noted that it was during the 1967 elections, when Indira was only 50, that she was first hailed as ‘Mother India’. Political analyst and social critic M.N. Karassery recalled a joke from his journalism days during Indira’s era: her hair was said to be so black that she had to keep a portion white to maintain her image as a motherly figure.
Political analyst and author Rasheed Kidwai said that Priyanka also seemed to be adopting a similar motherly persona, as Indian voters often respond more to emotional than rational appeals. “She is a skilled orator, though in a different style than Rahul’s,” he said. Priyanka openly shares family stories, which Rahul tends to avoid, noted political theorist Ajay Gudavarthy.
Priyanka began the final phase of her campaign by visiting the Papanasini-Thirunelli Temple in Wayanad, where her father Rajiv Gandhi’s ashes were immersed. “She often reiterates the loss of her father and grandmother, making an emotional appeal that can sometimes resonate,” said Gudavarthy. “But the impact of these narratives has diminished. People no longer judge leaders through that vantage point.”
Nevertheless, in Wayanad, which is one of the safest seats for the Congress in the country, the discussions are largely not about who will win the elections, but the margin that Priyanka would gain over her nearest opponent. There are many who predict she will even break Rahul’s 2019 record margin of 4.3 lakh votes. “Her victory margin will be above 5 lakh votes,” said Balachandran, a 77-year-old resident from Nilambur, adding that it will be because of massive consolidation of female voters.
The Wayanad constituency, comprising seven assembly segments, was established in 2009. Since then, only Congress candidates have won here.
There are two things to be considered in Priyanka’s candidacy from Wayanad, said Gudavarthy. “One is compulsion. They have no other seat where she can win because Gandhis don’t have that kind of a pan-national feel any more―like [Indira] won from Medak,” he said. “And second, of course, it looks good in terms of optics of north and south. Rahul is from Uttar Pradesh and she is from Kerala. The Congress is now strong only in the south. They can continue that southern narrative because of [Priyanka’s candidacy].”
The closest contest in Wayanad was in 2014, when CPI’s Sathyan Mokeri lost to M.I. Shanavas by a margin of just 20,870 votes. The CPI has once again fielded Mokeri, a veteran leader of the All India Kisan Sabha. Though the CPI is part of the INDIA bloc and its leadership shares a warm rapport with the Congress at the national level, Mokeri does not intend to have a ‘friendly fight’. “The CPI was the first to propose a broad platform of secular forces to counter fascist forces, an idea that later evolved into the INDIA bloc,” Mokeri told THE WEEK. “But where should this fight against fascism take place? It should be in the Hindi belt, where the Congress suffered significant losses, allowing fascist forces to capture those seats. Rather than rallying to reclaim this region, the Congress retreated, with Rahul Gandhi moving his campaign here―a strategic error. Perhaps they would have lost, but a hard-fought loss can be virtuous; it sets the stage for future progress.”
Mokeri added that Rahul compounded the mistake by running again in Wayanad. “He was criticised for his lack of connection to the constituency, never engaging with panchayat-level members on development issues―a criticism that became politically significant,” said Mokeri. “To counter this, he made an emotional appeal, calling Wayanad his ‘extended family’, which helped gain support among the poor, though his margin of victory decreased. Ultimately, he betrayed Wayanad’s trust by resigning. Not only that, he announced his sister as the candidate even before the election was declared, effectively positioning her as his alternative. That wasn’t a democratic way to proceed when the election hadn’t even been called.”
If Priyanka is elected, Wayanad will expect her to address several long-standing issues―improving access to tertiary health care, lifting the night travel ban through the Bandipur forest that has stifled Wayanad’s economy and tackling the persistent human-wildlife conflicts. Many argue that a permanent solution to these conflicts requires amending the Wildlife Protection Act of 1972, originally enacted during Indira’s tenure as prime minister.
A critical challenge for Wayanad’s new MP will be ensuring proper rehabilitation of survivors of the devastating July 30 landslides at Mundakkai and Chooralmala villages. BJP leader Shajimon Chooralmala, while campaigning for young BJP candidate Navya Haridas, said that Wayanad was left without an MP when the tragedy struck, as Rahul had “abandoned” the constituency―a sentiment echoed by LDF leaders, too.
In Chooralmala, there is palpable anger towards politicians across party lines for the delay in rehabilitation. Moitheenkutty, a fish merchant, said he was undecided about whom to vote for as many promises to the survivors remained unfulfilled. Meanwhile, Hamsa K., an auto driver, noted that few remain in the town to discuss politics or elections; most survivors have moved into rented facilities, government quarters or the homes of relatives outside the town. Anthoniyamma, an elderly woman who lost her home in the landslides and now works as a house help, remarked, “[Priyanka] says she will do things for us. I don’t know if she really will.”
Journalist and documentary filmmaker O.K. Johnny, also a voter in Wayanad, said that Wayanad’s issues shouldn’t be viewed in isolation. “The challenges faced in Wayanad are not unique; across India, ordinary people and farmers are grappling with similar problems,” he said. “What stands out in this election, however, is India’s need for a strong opposition in Parliament to protect the Constitution. That is essential for all who believe in democracy. I stand with those who view the election from that perspective. In this light, many across party lines who are committed to democratic values hope for a leader like Priyanka Gandhi to enter Parliament.” This, despite him being a Marxist, he added.
Priyanka’s entry into parliamentary politics is happening at a time when the Congress seems to have lost its post-Lok Sabha polls momentum. Kidwai, however, believes that Priyanka’s new role will help build back that momentum. “The momentum set by the 2024 Lok Sabha elections was disrupted by the setback in Haryana,” he said. “There is also the issue that in a direct fight against the BJP, the Congress hasn’t been as effective as it should be. In this context, Priyanka’s presence makes a significant difference, as she is an excellent orator.”
Gudavarthy, however, thinks otherwise. “Priyanka is more like a mainstream politician,” he said. “So I do not think she will make a really big difference for the Congress.”
While there may not be any change in power dynamics within the party, comparisons are inevitable, said Kidwai. “Every time Priyanka speaks, those comparisons will surface, so they will need to tread carefully,” he said. “Priyanka will be in the Lok Sabha, but likely as a backbencher―a first-timer asking questions, occasionally speaking, but not giving the same high-profile speeches as Rahul.”Kidwai adds that Priyanka’s role is meant to add a “one plus one”benefit to the Congress in Parliament.
During her campaign, Priyanka directed her criticisms exclusively at the BJP, despite its limited electoral influence in the region. However, if she is elected as an MP from Kerala, she may need to navigate the state’s distinct political dynamics, where the main rivals of the Congress are the CPI(M) and the CPI, both members of the INDIA bloc.
Recently, Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan claimed that Priyanka had received support from the Jamaat-e-Islami in Wayanad, which has a significant Muslim population. Observers like Karassery, however, argue that with an estimated 90 lakh Muslims in Kerala, Jamaat-e-Islami’s membership―fewer than 1 lakh―is being given undue weight by such statements. Also, remarks like these, especially from a high-ranking figure in the left, could be leveraged by hindutva groups against the Gandhis in the future, too, note observers.
Chennithala criticised Vijayan’s stance, calling it a reflection of the latter’s own politics. “For years, the CPI(M) has accepted support from Jamaat-e-Islami to secure election victories,” he said. “Priyanka Gandhi does not need any particular group’s support―she has backing from all segments of society, crossing party lines.”