On February 14, 1998, Coimbatore was subjected to a devastating attack. Thirteen bomb explosions rocked the city. The first set of bombs went off at Shanmugam Road near the head post office in R.S. Puram―a swanky north Indian settlement in the city. The bomb exploded at 3:50 pm, minutes before BJP president L.K. Advani got there to address a rally.
The city has fought hard to overcome the communal divisions caused by the attack. Now, 26 years later, Prime Minister Narendra Modi chose Shanmugam Road as the point to end his road show. The BJP and Hindu organisations in the city pay homage to victims of the terror attack at the site on anniversaries of the blasts. They have also been asking for a memorial. Modi’s road show, on March 18, turned out to be a real show of strength, especially considering the voters in Tamil Nadu have consistently rejected the BJP.
Coimbatore, which is one of eight Lok Sabha seats in Tamil Nadu’s western (Kongu) region, is crucial for the DMK, AIADMK and the BJP.
The city, known for its business, flourishing industries and proletarian movements, has also had an RSS presence since 1949. The Coimbatore shakha has over 40,000 members and at least 4,000 active members. However, sustained and intensive efforts by successive state governments prevented the spread of RSS ideology. Though there was ground support for hindutva, J. Jayalalithaa changed the voting pattern in the seat after she came to power in the state in 2001. The DMK won some seats in and around Coimbatore in 2006, but since the emergence of AIADMK strongman S.P. Velumani around 2011, the region has turned into an AIADMK bastion. However, AIADMK-ally BJP lost to the CPI(M) in 2019. This has been attributed to the BJP not catering to rural voters, factionalism within its Coimbatore unit and a prevailing anti-Modi sentiment at the time.
Coimbatore has a significant non-Tamil population, including Gujaratis, Bengalis and Rajasthanis living in south and central parts. The most prominent communities in the region are the native Kongu Vellalar Gounders and Naidus, particularly the Balija and Kammavar Naidus. Four assembly segments have a mix of communities and the city also has a chunk of Muslim voters. In December 2022, a car bomb, driven by a Muslim youth, had exploded at Kottaimedu. The ruling DMK managed to defuse the situation despite the BJP’s efforts to politicise it.
“Coimbatore has always been neglected though it is the western hub,” said Vanitha Mohan, managing trustee of Siru Thuli, an NGO working on water conservation, and chairman of Pricol, an automotive components maker headquartered in Coimbatore. “We want an MP who understands the problems of the people and environment here. Right now we have a communist MP who is not visible at all to the common man.”
Micro, small and medium enterprises in Coimbatore suffered during demonetisation, Covid-19 lockdown and because of GST implementation and this is a major hurdle for the BJP. “There have been 1,000 notifications and alterations to the GST,” says Rangasamy Palanisamy, who runs a motor pump manufacturing unit at Peelamedu in Coimbatore (the city produces 50 per cent of India’s motor pumps). “It crippled our business.” Similarly, spinning mills face huge challenges because of the higher cost of operations. In 2023, some 600 spinning mills paused operations. And, at least 500 have closed in the past decade, affecting 3.5 lakh people.
Another issue is pending infrastructure projects, like the eastern and western bypass roads. The L&T bypass, which falls under the National Highways Authority of India, is also awaiting expansion to four or six lanes from two lanes. Also, the Coimbatore International Airport needs expansion and though the state government had finished land acquisition, the aviation ministry has not taken it forward. “Coimbatore is a self-made city, be it education or business or medical facilities,” said J. Sathish, director, Kongu Global Forum, an NGO which works for development in the western districts. “What we need is better connectivity and infrastructure.”
The DMK, now an ally of the CPI(M) that holds the seat, has fielded Ganapathy P. Rajkumar, a former Coimbatore mayor who defected from the AIADMK a couple of years ago. A journalism graduate, Rajkumar did his PhD on Jayalalithaa’s political rise and caught her eye thanks to his educational qualifications and his work for the party. Rajkumar was handpicked by Jayalalithaa to be Coimbatore mayor and continues to enjoy wide support in the constituency despite switching parties. But, factional feud in the DMK and its lack of strong regional leaders may hamper Rajkumar’s chances.
In 2022, former cabinet minister V. Senthil Balaji had ensured a thumping win for the DMK in civic polls; he overcame the inner bickering by micromanaging. But, Balaji has since been arrested by the ED in a money laundering case and continues to be in judicial custody. In his absence, it is being said that DMK scion and sports minister Udhayanidhi Stalin will personally monitor the region. The support from the left and the Congress, which has retained noteworthy appeal among voters, would be valuable for the DMK.
The AIADMK has 10 MLAs in and around Coimbatore and a vibrant party structure. Sources say it may field its mayoral candidate from 2022, Sharmila, wife of Velumani’s associate Chandrasekar, and reportedly the only AIADMK candidate to win in a ward in which the DMK contested during that disastrous showing for the party. The cadres are enthused after several booth committee meetings in the region. Unlike the DMK, the AIADMK is active on the ground.
It has been two decades since the BJP had an MP from the seat. But, it believes it can succeed this time, despite losing the AIADMK’s support. According to party insiders, a survey by the party revealed that it can win 18 per cent votes in Coimbatore if state president K. Annamalai contests. However, he has not expressed an interest to contest from the seat. The party’s best performance in Tamil Nadu came in the 2001 assembly elections, when it won four seats and got 3.19 per cent of the votes. The factionalism which held it back in 2014 and 2019 still exists. So, the choice of candidate may well have an impact on the intensity of the BJP’s campaign. But, perhaps the roadshow by the prime minister could enthuse RSS volunteers to go door to door.