You are a Christian chief minister. I am a Hindu. Don’t you have a responsibility to protect Hindu temples?” This statement, in January 2021, by the then opposition leader and Telugu Desam Party president N. Chandrababu Naidu was meant for chief minister Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy. He was reacting to reports of desecration of temples in the coastal state. Around the same time, Naidu alleged that Jagan was encouraging conversions to Christianity and asked why pastors were being given pension of Rs5,000 a month.
It was a rare occasion of Naidu, generally seen as a progressive leader, mixing religion and politics. When the Tirumala laddu controversy erupted this year, Naidu, as chief minister, alleged that chairmen of the Tirumala Tirupati Devasthanam (TTD) under Jagan’s rule, B. Karunakar Reddy and Y.V. Subba Reddy, both had “Christian allegiance”. Both denied the claim. When Jagan called off a planned visit to the Tirumala temple after the police asked leaders and cadre of the YSR Congress Party to stay away during his visit, Naidu targeted Jagan again. He accused Jagan of making excuses, implying that he had no genuine interest in going to the temple nor did he respect its traditions.
Laddu, the famed prasadam of the Tirumala temple, has an additional ingredient now―communal politics. While the matter is related to food adulteration, under scrutiny are politicians, their allegations and actions.
Tamil Nadu-based AR Dairy won the tender to supply ghee to the TTD in December 2023 and started supplying it in June, after a change in government. Eight tankers of ghee was supplied to the TTD in June and July. The ghee from the first four tankers passed the preliminary test at TTD labs and was used to make laddus. But, the ghee from the other four tankers came under scrutiny after workers allegedly complained of a foul smell. Samples were sent to the National Dairy Development Board’s Centre for Analytical Research for Livestock and Food (NDDB CALF) in Gujarat. The test report said it could have been adulterated with plant oil and animal fat. The report was ready in July; the TDP went public in September, blaming the Jagan government.
Jagan was forced to convene two news conferences on the issue. He said Naidu was resorting to unethical politics and added that the TTD was an autonomous body and his government had no role to play, especially as the ghee arrived during the TDP’s tenure.
While politicians played politics, the issue reached the Supreme Court, which said, “God should be kept away from politics”. The apex court took exception to Naidu publicly saying adulterated ghee was used in making laddus and said such statements without conclusive evidence affected the sentiments of millions of devotees.
The lab report said the ghee could contain pork and beef fats, fish oil and vegetable oil. Sagari Ramdas, veterinary scientist and member, Food Sovereignty Alliance, India, said: “The most important factor is the disclaimer stating that false positives are possible. It is clearly said that values may vary depending on circumstances. For instance, methodology does not apply to milk fat obtained from a cow or cows fed excessive amounts of vegetable oils, like rapeseed oil.” She added that there was no clarity on how false positives could be ruled out. “How can this report be considered conclusive?” she asked. “There should have been further investigation through additional tests in more laboratories. But the issue was politicised. Why whip up communal tensions when science can provide clarity?”
How common is the addition of animal fat or oil in ghee to maximise profits? To get clarity, THE WEEK approached a person with three decades of experience in a reputed South Indian dairy, who also owns a cattle farm with 50 indigenous cows. On condition of anonymity, he explained that dairy companies supplying large quantities of ghee typically rely on A1 cows like hybrid, Holstein Friesian or Jersey. (Indian cows are categorised as A2). The non-traditional method of ghee extraction―cream to butter to ghee―allows the leftover milk to be used.
He said suppliers adding animal fat was highly unlikely as profit would not increase by much and reputation would be at risk. But, medications, injections or customised feed given to A1 cows could explain the animal fat residues detected.
The traditional method of producing ghee―turning milk into curd and churning it to make butter and then ghee―is expensive as milk is lost and a lot of butter milk is left over, which is not as commercially viable as milk. Ghee made this way can cost Rs3,000 per kg, whereas commercial ghee costs Rs300 to Rs400―the price point at which the TTD procures ghee.
The NDDB CALF lab and the TTD have also come under scrutiny with Venugopal Badaravada, a member of the governing body of the Indian Council of Agriculture Research, writing to President Droupadi Murmu about suspicions regarding political interference and the report’s integrity and calling for a high-level probe. He also said the TTD had replaced the Agama Shastra-mandated, traditional bilona-made desi cow ghee with butter oil derived from cross-bred cows.
JanaSena Party president and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan was quick to capitalise on the issue. He adorned saffron and took up a purification ritual to support the argument of his ally TDP. Backed by the BJP, Kalyan, in a way, stole the TDP’s thunder. Political analysts feel the move, meant to elevate him as a hindutva leader, could have been scripted by the BJP, which is wary of Naidu.
The controversy did not just turn communal, but also casteist. The TDP, which had launched a narrative based on Jagan being a Christian, extended it to his caste. TDP leader and Nandyal MP Byreddy Shabari recently said: “He (Jagan) has added Reddy as a tail to his name. As a Reddy, I am ashamed. Reddys, open your eyes. Believe in real Reddys and vote for them. Not these inferior Reddys. Do not encourage them [in politics].”
Is there a strategy behind these statements against Jagan? Said Telakapalli Ravi, political analyst: “It looks like the [TDP’s] strategy has backfired. Religious polarisation has been attempted for some time by them, competing with the JSP and the BJP.” He said that the attempt to sway Hindu voters away from Jagan may not succeed, given his strong base and his 40 per cent vote share in the 2024 assembly polls, which he lost.