Even as the Democratic presidential campaign appears settled at the moment with the formal anointment of Kamala Harris as the party’s standard bearer, the Gaza war remains a flashpoint dividing the party. The Democratic National Convention in Chicago saw thousands of protesters expressing anger and outrage about the Biden administration's approach to the war. It is clear that replacing Biden has not really quelled the intra-party rebellion over the issue, although the choice of Harris has offered the party a brief respite.
On August 19, the first day of the convention, a few protesters managed to break through a section of the security perimeter. Wearing the traditional Palestinian dress, they unfurled a banner reading "Stop arming ISRAEL" on the convention floor, forcing the organisers to switch off spotlights.
Many of the protesters and “uncommitted” delegates in Chicago said they were supporting Harris and wanted her to beat Trump in November. But they want Palestine point of view to be shared more vigorously at Democratic platforms, including the convention floor and the campaign trail.
The “uncommitted” movement has its origins in the campaign launched at the time of the Democratic primary in the state in February. ‘Listen to Michigan’ ran an energetic campaign, persuading the primary voters to cast protest votes against the Gaza war. The move won the support of nearly 7.5 lakh voters—15 per cent of the total voters—to vote "uncommitted", rather than for any particular candidate, shocking party bosses.
With Michigan showing unprecedented support for the Palestine cause, the movement spread quickly across Democratic strongholds nationally. With hundreds of thousands of voters opting for the cause, the convention now has “uncommitted” delegates from states like Minnesota, Hawaii and Washington, apart from Michigan. Their presence seems to have nudged the DNC to hold the first official panel in the party’s history to discuss the Gaza war and the Palestinian human rights situation featuring Layla Elabed of the “uncommitted” movement, Minnesota attorney general Keith Ellison and former Michigan Congressman Andy Levin. However, the panel moderated by Ellison was not been part of the original schedule, and it was not given the main stage or a prime time television slot.
Yet, there has been a marked change in the way the Democrats have been looking at the Palestinian issue, and the changing demographic profile of the party’s support base could be one reason. For instance, a Gallup poll held in March 2023 showed that for the first time, more Democrats’ identified with the Palestinian cause than with Israel. It could be one of the reasons why Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, himself a Jew, spoke forcefully on the Gaza war a few months ago, defending Biden’s tough talk to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and also calling for a change in leadership.
Harris, too, has been quick to spot the transformation. She charted an independent course on the issue, moving away from the White House, even before she became the party’s presidential nominee. In fact, she was one of the first members of the administration to demand a ceasefire in Gaza, and to openly castigate Netanyahu. On March 3, leading the “Bloody Sunday” commemoration in Selma, Alabama, (59th anniversary of the attack by Alabama police on civil rights demonstrators on the iconic Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma), she described the Gaza war as a “humanitarian catastrophe”. “What we are seeing every day in Gaza is devastating. We have seen reports of families eating leaves or animal feed, women giving birth to malnourished babies with little or no medical care, and children dying from malnutrition and dehydration.” Harris also skipped Netanyahu's address to the joint session of the Congress during his visit to the US last month and opted to meet him separately.
On the policy front, however, Harris has not broken with Biden, which would be impossible, considering the fact that she still serves as vice president. It would clearly undermine the presidential authority of Biden, who green-lighted a $20 billion weapons package for Israel a few days ago. Harris opposes the proposed arms embargo against Israel. A couple of weeks ago, the “uncommitted” movement had announced that Harris showed an openness to a meeting to discuss the embargo. But almost immediately, the Harris campaign made it clear that she made no such commitment. “She will always ensure Israel is able to defend itself against Iran and Iran-backed terrorist groups. She does not support an arms embargo against Israel,” wrote Phil Gordon, her national security adviser, on ‘X’.
Despite the protests and the presence of the “uncommitted” delegates, the DNC platform for the 2024 polls clearly sides with Israel on the Israel-Palestine conflict. The manifesto offers “unbending support for Israel in the fight against Hamas”, is critical of the “one-sided efforts to condemn Israel” by the UN and has strongly condemned the sexual violence unleashed by Hamas. A similar assessment of Israeli policies is missing from the document.
Such unconditional support of Israel is hurting her popularity among the progressive wing of the Democratic Party which wants her to break decisively with Biden and enunciate a more radical pro-Palestine position. At the moment, Harris might prefer to remain silent on the issue, because taking a clear stand is only going to cost her politically. Moderate and independent voters, whose support is crucial in the battleground states expect Harris to go with the traditional Middle East policy. They would prefer Harris to stand by the US-Israel alliance, and not give in to the demand of the progressives. Pro-Israel groups like the Democratic Majority for Israel, the Jewish Democratic Council of America and the J Street are planning to highlight these concerns as the presidential campaign enters the home stretch.
Some of them want Harris to speak up firmly on behalf of Israel’s security. “With hostages still in captivity and Iran and Hezbollah threatening more war, the pro-Israel community needs some reassurance,” said Mark Mellman, the president of Democratic Majority for Israel. “Vice President Harris has an exceptional record, but she doesn’t have the 50-year relationship with the community that President Biden has.”
Most pro-Israel campaigners believe that it is difficult to find a middle ground while dealing with the left wing of the Democratic Party. They say extreme demands like an arms embargo are never going to be endorsed by mainstream Democrats and, therefore, giving more space and visibility to the radical left groups could alienate pro-Israel voters, who vastly outnumber Arab American and Muslim American voters.
They also point out that the Palestinian cause is not a top-tier political issue. Most voters, including young voters, rate inflation, housing costs and abortion as their primary concerns.
Harris is already on the defensive among a section of the Jewish voters as she chose not to pick Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro as her vice presidential candidate. Pennsylvania, which is a critical state for Harris, has a large Jewish population. Trump said she ignored Shapiro because he was Jewish. While Shapiro himself rubbished Trump’s claims, there is a view that Shapiro was overlooked because of his stronger pro-Israeli views.
Arab and Muslim Democrats, however, holds significant leverage in Michigan, a key swing state for Harris. It will be really difficult for her to find a path to the White House that excludes the Great Lakes state. She will have to find a way to assuage their concerns and make sure that she gets her votes in November. In 2020, Biden carried Michigan by a thin margin of 2.78 per cent. Harris, with her apparent weakness among the white working class voters, needs every single Muslim and Arab American voters in the state to stay competitive.